The results are in line

The results are in line with other studies concerned with long-term mortality effects of critical life events based on Finnish register data. People born during the famine in the 1860s (Kannisto, Christensen, & Vaupel, 1997), male cohorts who fought in World War II (Saarela and Finnäs, 2010), and people who were evacuated as foster children to Sweden during the war purchase AVE 0991 (Santavirta, 2014), have previously been found to have no increase in later-life mortality. One potential reason why critical life events of the kind studied here have no influence on mortality at older ages may be selective mortality at younger ages, also known as cohort inversion. If this was the case, frailer individuals would have died at an early stage and the healthier members of the cohorts would have survived to older ages. However, there is no evidence in the literature suggesting that the forced migrants experienced elevated mortality or poorer general health status immediately or soon after the evacuation (Saarela and Finnäs, 2009a; Sarvimäki et al., 2010). Cohort life tables also do not reveal increased mortality by age during or recently after the war period (Kannisto, Nieminen, & Turpeinen, 1999; Saarela and Finnäs, 2012).
Acknowledgements Financial support from Högskolestiftelsen i Österbotten, Aktiastiftelsen i Vasa, Svenska Litteratursällskapet i Finland, and Signe & Ane Gyllenbergs Stiftelse (Jan Saarela), and from the National Institute on Aging - P30 AG-012836 to the University of Pennsylvania (Irma Elo), is gratefully acknowledged.
Introduction Four behaviours – cigarette smoking, high alcohol intake, poor diet and physical inactivity – underlie the chronic diseases (cardiovascular disease, cancer, lung disease and type-2 diabetes) responsible for 70% of premature deaths in Europe (WHO, 2011, 2014). These behaviours have both separate and synergistic effects on health (Khaw et al., 2008; Kvaavik, Batty, Ursin, Huxley & Gale, 2010; Martin-Diener et al., 2014; WHO, 2008). Social disadvantage increases the risk of smoking, poor diet and physical inactivity; evidence for high alcohol intake is less consistent (Bloomfield, Grittner, Kramer & Gmel, 2006; Stringhini et al., 2010). the four behaviours are a major focus of public health policies, with governments advising the public not to smoke and providing recommendations on minimum levels of physical activity and fruit and vegetables (F&V) intake and maximum thresholds for alcohol consumption. While much of the evidence focuses on single health behaviours, there is increasing appreciation that these behaviours are not independent (McAloney et al., 2014; Noble, Paul, Turon & Oldmeadow, 2015; Prochaska, Spring & Nigg, 2008). Earlier studies have investigated the co-occurrence of behaviours by establishing the prevalence of different risk behaviour combinations and/or by summing the number of risk behaviours reported by each study participant into a risk score. However, these approaches have limitations (McAloney et al., 2014; Noble et al., 2015a). Establishing that behaviours co-occur does not establish whether their co-occurrence differs from what would be expected given the prevalence of each behaviour, and risk scores do not indicate which behaviours contribute to an individual\'s score. Studies are therefore increasingly going beyond co-occurrence and risk scores to examine inter-relationships between health behaviours. Recent reviews have identified two main analytical approaches: examining differences between observed and expected combinations of behaviour and interrogating underlying patterns across the behaviours (McAloney et al., 2014; Noble et al., 2015a). The first approach led the way in the analysis of multiple risk behaviours (McAloney et al., 2014). It uses dichotomous measures of behaviours and observed and expected (O/E) ratios to provide a simple summary measure of whether combinations of behaviours occurs more (or less) often than would be expected if the behaviours were independent.